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English language prevalence in the United States. Darker shades of blue indicate higher concentrations of native English speakers in the corresponding states

American English (AmE, AE, AmEng, USEng, en-US[note 1]), sometimes called United States English or U.S. English,[1][2] is the set of varieties of the English language native to the United States.[3] American English is considered to be the world's most influential form of English.[4][5][6][7][8]

English is the most widely spoken language in the United States and is the de facto common language used by the federal and state governments, to the extent that all laws and compulsory education presume English as the primary language. English is explicitly given official status by 32 of the 50 state governments.[9][10] While the local courts in some divisions of the United States grant equivalent status to both English and another language—for example, English and Spanish in Puerto Rico—under federal law, English is still the official language for any matters being referred to the United States district court for the territory.[11]

The use of English in the United States is a result of British colonization of the Americas. The first wave of English-speaking settlers arrived in North America during the 17th century, followed by further migrations in the 18th and 19th centuries. During the 17th century, dialects from many different regions of England existed in every American colony, allowing a process of extensive dialect mixture and levelling in which English varieties across the colonies became more homogeneous compared with varieties in England.[12][13] English thus predominated in the colonies even by the end of the 17th century's first massive immigrations of non-English speakers from Europe and Africa, and firsthand descriptions of a fairly uniform American English became common after the mid-18th century.[14] Since then, American English has developed into some new varieties, including regional dialects that, in some cases, show minor influences in the last two centuries from successive waves of immigrant speakers of diverse languages,[15] primarily European languages.[6]

American English varieties include many patterns of pronunciation, vocabulary, grammar, and particularly spelling that are unified nationwide but distinct from other English dialects around the world.[16] Any American or Canadian accent perceived as free of noticeably local, ethnic, or cultural markers is popularly called "General" or "Standard" American, a fairly uniform accent continuum native to certain regions of the U.S. and associated nationally with broadcast mass media and highly educated speech. However, historical and present linguistic evidence does not support the notion of there being one single "mainstream" American accent.[17][18] The sound of American English continues to evolve, with some local accents disappearing, but several larger regional accents having emerged in the 20th century.[19]

Phonology[]

For all phonemes of American English, see General American#Phonology.
For the phonologies of regional American dialects, see North American English regional phonology.

Compared with English as spoken in the United Kingdom North American English[20] is more homogeneous, and any phonologically unremarkable North American accent is known as "General American". This section mostly refers to such General American features.

Conservative phonology[]

Studies on historical usage of English in both the United States and the United Kingdom suggest that spoken American English did not simply deviate away from period British English, but is conservative in some ways, preserving certain features contemporary British English has since lost.[21]

Full rhoticity (or R-fulness) is typical of American accents, pronouncing the phoneme Template:IPA (corresponding to the letter Template:Angbr) in all environments, including after vowels, such as in pearl, car, and court.[22][23] Non-rhotic American accents, those that do not pronounce Template:Angbr except before a consonant, such as some Eastern New England, New York, a specific few (often older) Southern, and African American vernacular accents, are often quickly noticed by General American listeners and perceived to sound especially ethnic, regional, or "old-fashioned".[22][24][25]

Rhoticity is common in most American accents (yet nowadays rare in England), because, during the 17th-century British colonization, nearly all dialects of English were rhotic, and most North American English simply remained that way.[26] This preservation of rhoticity in North America was also supported by continuing waves of rhotic-accented Scots-Irish immigrants, most intensely during the 18th century (and moderately during the following two centuries), when the Scots-Irish eventually made up one-seventh of the colonial population. Scots-Irish settlers spread from Delaware and Pennsylvania throughout the larger Mid-Atlantic region, the inland regions of both the South and North, and throughout the West, all American dialect areas that consistently resisted upper-class non-rhotic influences and that consequently remain rhotic today.[27] The pronunciation of Template:Angbr is a postalveolar approximant Template:IPAblink or retroflex approximant Template:IPAblink,[28] though a unique "bunched tongue" variant of the approximant r sound is also associated with the United States, and perhaps mostly in the Midwest and the South.[29]

For those American accents that have not undergone the cot–caught merger (the lexical sets Template:Sc2 and Template:Sc2), they have instead retained a Template:Sc2Template:Sc2 split: a 17th-century split in which certain words (labeled as the Template:Sc2 lexical set) separated away from the Template:Sc2 set. This split, which has now reversed in most British English, simultaneously shifts this relatively recent Template:Sc2 set into a merger with the Template:Sc2 (caught) set. Having taken place prior to the unrounding of the cot vowel, this results in lengthening and perhaps raising, merging the more recently separated vowel into the Template:Sc2 vowel in the following environments: before many instances of Template:IPA, Template:IPA, and particularly Template:IPA (as in Austria, cloth, cost, loss, off, often, etc.), a few instances before Template:IPA (as in strong, long, wrong), and variably by region or speaker in gone, on, and certain other words.[30]

The standard accent of southern England, Received Pronunciation (RP), has evolved in other ways too, compared to which General American English has remained relatively more conservative, for example, regarding today's RP features of a trap–bath split and the fronting of Template:IPA, neither of which is typical of General American accents. Moreover, American dialects also do not participate in widespread H-dropping, an innovative feature characterizing perhaps a majority of regional dialects of England.

Innovative phonology[]

On the other hand, General American is more innovative than the dialects of England, or English elsewhere in the world, in a number of its own ways:

  • [[Phonological history of the low back vowels#Father–bother merger|Unrounded Template:Sc2]]: The American phenomenon of the Template:Sc2 vowel (often spelled Template:Angbr in words like box, don, clock, notch, pot, etc.) being produced without rounded lips, like the Template:Sc2 vowel, allows father and bother to rhyme, the two vowels now unified as the single phoneme Template:IPA. This father–bother vowel merger is in a transitional or completed stage nearly universally in North American English. Exceptions are in northeastern New England English, such as the Boston accent, as well as variably in some New York accents.[31][32]
  • Cot–caught merger in transition: There is no single American way to pronounce the vowels in words like cot Template:IPA (the ah vowel) versus caught Template:IPA (the aw vowel), largely due to a merger occurring between the two sounds in some parts of North America, but not others. American speakers with a completed merger pronounce the two historically separate vowels with the exact same sound (especially in the West, northern New England, West Virginia, western Pennsylvania, and the Upper Midwest), but other speakers have no trace of a merger at all (especially in the South, the Great Lakes region, southern New England, and the Mid-Atlantic and New York metropolitan areas) and so pronounce each vowel with distinct sounds Template:Pronunciation.Template:Sfnp Among speakers who distinguish between the two, the vowel of cot (usually transcribed in American English as Template:IPA), is often a central Template:IPAblink or advanced back Template:IPA, while Template:IPA is pronounced with more rounded lips and/or phonetically higher in the mouth, close to Template:IPAblink or Template:IPAblink, but with only slight rounding.Template:Sfnp Among speakers who do not distinguish between the two, thus producing a cot–caught merger, Template:IPA usually remains a back vowel, Template:IPA, sometimes showing lip rounding as Template:IPA. Therefore, even mainstream Americans vary greatly with this speech feature, with possibilities ranging from a full merger to no merger at all. A transitional stage of the merger is also common in scatterings throughout the U.S., most consistently in the American Midlands lying between the historical dialect regions of the North and South, while younger Americans in general tend to be transitioning toward the merger. According to a 2003 dialect survey carried out across the United States, about 61% of participants perceive themselves as keeping the two vowels distinct and 39% do not.[33] A 2009 followup survey put the percentages at 58% non-merging speakers and 41% merging.[34]
  • Template:Sc2 in special words: The Template:Sc2 vowel, rather than the one in Template:Sc2 or Template:Sc2 (as in Britain), is used in function words and certain other words like was, of, from, what, everybody, nobody, somebody, anybody, and, for many speakers because and rarely even want, when stressed.[35][36][37][38]
  • Vowel mergers before intervocalic Template:IPA: The mergers of certain vowels before Template:IPA are typical throughout North America; the only exceptions exist primarily along the east coast. Such mergers include:
    • Mary–marry–merry merger in transition: According to the 2003 dialect survey, nearly 57% of participants from around the country self-identified as merging the sounds Template:IPA (as in the first syllable of parish), Template:IPA (as in the first syllable of perish), and Template:IPA (as in pear or pair).[39] The merger is already complete everywhere except along some areas of the Atlantic Coast.Template:Sfnp
    • Hurry–furry merger: The pre-Template:IPA vowels in words like hurry Template:IPA and furry Template:IPA are merged in most American accents to Template:IPA. Only 10% of English speakers across the U.S. acknowledge the distinct hurry vowel before Template:IPA, according to the same dialect survey aforementioned.[40]
    • Mirror–nearer merger in transition: The pre-Template:IPA vowels in words like mirror Template:IPA and nearer Template:IPA are merged or at least very close in most American accents. The quality of the historic mirror vowel in the word miracle is quite variable.[41]
    • Americans vary slightly in their pronunciations of R-colored vowels—such as those in Template:IPA and Template:IPA—sometimes monophthongizing towards Template:IPA and Template:IPA or tensing towards Template:IPA and Template:IPA respectively, causing pronunciations like Template:IPA for pair/pear and Template:IPA for peer/pier.[42] Also, Template:IPA is often reduced to Template:IPA, so that cure, pure, and mature may all end with the sound Template:IPA, thus rhyming with blur and sir. The word sure is also part of this rhyming set as it is commonly pronounced Template:IPA.
  • Yod-dropping: Dropping of Template:IPA after a consonant is much more extensive than in most of England. In most North American accents, Template:IPA is "dropped" or "deleted" after all alveolar and interdental consonants (i.e. everywhere except after /p/, /b/, /f/, /h/, /k/, and /m/) so that new, duke, Tuesday, assume are pronounced Template:IPA, Template:IPA, Template:IPA, Template:IPA (compare with standard British Template:IPA, Template:IPA, Template:IPA, Template:IPA).Template:Sfnp

Template:Listen Template:Listen

  • T-glottalization: Template:IPA is normally pronounced as unreleased or as a glottal stop Template:IPA when occurring both (1) after a vowel or Template:IPA and (2) before a consonant or syllabic Template:IPA, as in button Template:IPA-all. Following a vowel, Template:IPA is also glottalized when before a significant pause or when in absolute final position: thus, what Template:IPA or sit Template:IPA. (This innovation of /t/ glottal stopping also may occur in British English, as well as variably between vowels.)
  • Flapping: Template:IPA or Template:IPA becomes a flap Template:IPAblink when occurring both (1) after a vowel or Template:IPA and (2) before an unstressed vowel or a syllabic consonant other than Template:IPA, including water Template:IPA-all, party Template:IPA and model Template:IPA. This results in pairs such as ladder/latter, metal/medal, and coating/coding being pronounced the same. Flapping of Template:IPA or Template:IPA before a full stressed vowel is also possible, but only when that vowel begins a new word or morpheme, as in what is it? Template:IPA and twice in not at all Template:IPA. Other rules apply to flapping too, to such a complex degree in fact that flapping has been analyzed as being required in certain contexts, prohibited in others, and optional in still others.[43] For instance, flapping is prohibited in words like seduce Template:IPA, retail Template:IPA, and monotone Template:IPA, yet optional in impotence Template:IPA.
    • Both intervocalic Template:IPA and Template:IPA may commonly be realized as Template:IPAblink (a nasalized alveolar flap) or simply Template:IPA, making winter and winner homophones in fast or non-careful speech.
  • L-velarization: England's typical distinction between a "clear L" (i.e. Template:IPAblink) and a "dark L" (i.e. Template:IPAblink) is much less noticeable in nearly all dialects of American English;[44] it is often altogether absent,[45] with all "L" sounds tending to be "dark," meaning having some degree of velarization,[46] perhaps even as dark as Template:IPAblink (though in initial position, perhaps less dark than elsewhere among some speakers).Template:Sfnp The only notable exceptions to this velarization are in some Spanish-influenced U.S. English varieties (such as East Coast Latino English, which typically shows a clear "L" in syllable onsets) and in older, moribund Southern speech of the U.S., where "L" is clear in an intervocalic environment between front vowels.[47]
  • Weak-vowel merger: The vowel Template:IPA in unstressed syllables generally merges with Template:IPA, so effect is pronounced like affect and abbot and rabbit rhyme. The quality of the merged vowels varies considerably, though it is typically closer to Template:IPA when before a consonant; otherwise it is closer to Template:IPA.Template:Sfnp
  • Raising of pre-voiceless Template:IPA: Many speakers split the sound Template:IPA based on whether it occurs before a voiceless consonant or not, so that in rider it is pronounced Template:IPA but in writer it is raised to Template:IPA (because Template:IPA is a voiceless consonant while Template:IPA is not). Thus, words like bright, hike, price, wipe, etc. with a following voiceless consonant (such as Template:IPA) use a more raised vowel sound compared to bride, high, prize, wide, etc. Because of this sound change, the words rider and writer Template:Pronunciation, for instance, remain distinct from one another by virtue of their difference in height (and length) of the diphthong's starting point (unrelated to both the letters d and t being pronounced in these words as alveolar flaps Template:IPA). The sound-change also applies across word boundaries, though the position of a word or phrase's stress may prevent the raising from taking place. For instance, a high school in the sense of "secondary school" is generally pronounced Template:IPA; however, a high school in the literal sense of "a tall school" would be pronounced Template:IPA. This sound change began in the Northern, New England, and Mid-Atlantic regions of the country,[48] and is becoming more common across the nation.
    • Many speakers in the Inland North, Upper Midwestern, and Philadelphia dialect areas raise Template:IPA before voiced consonants in certain words as well, particularly Template:IPA, Template:IPA and Template:IPA. Hence, words like tiny, spider, cider, tiger, dinosaur, beside, idle (but sometimes not idol), and fire may contain a raised nucleus. The use of Template:IPA rather than Template:IPA in such words is unpredictable from phonetic environment alone, though it may have to do with their acoustic similarity to other words that do contain Template:IPA before a voiceless consonant, per the traditional Canadian-raising system. Hence, some researchers have argued that there has been a phonemic split in these dialects; the distribution of the two sounds is becoming more unpredictable among younger speakers.[49]
  • Conditioned /æ/ raising (especially before Template:IPA and Template:IPA): The raising of the Template:IPA or Template:Sc2 vowel occurs in specific environments that vary widely from region to region, though nationwide most commonly before Template:IPA and Template:IPA. With most American speakers, for whom the phoneme Template:IPA operates under a somewhat continuous system, Template:IPA has both a tense and a lax allophone (with a kind of "continuum" of possible sounds between those two extremes, rather than a definitive split). In these accents, Template:IPA is overall realized before nasal stops as more tense (approximately Template:IPA), while other environments are more lax (approximately the standard Template:IPA); for example, note the vowel sound in Template:IPA for mass, but Template:IPA for man). In some American accents though, specifically those from Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York City, Template:IPA and Template:IPA are indeed entirely separate (or "split") phonemes, for example, in planet Template:IPA vs. plan it Template:IPA. These are called Mid-Atlantic split-a systems. Note that these vowels move in the opposite direction (high and forward) in the mouth when compared to the backed Standard British "broad a", though the two nation's a systems are probably related phonologically if not phonetically; a British-like phenomenon occurs among some older speakers of the eastern New England (Boston) area for whom Template:IPA changes to Template:IPA before Template:IPA alone or when preceded by a homorganic nasal.

American English/æ/ tensing in North American English

  • "Short o" before r before a vowel: In typical North American accents (U.S. and Canada alike), the historical sequence Template:IPA (a short o sound followed by r and then another vowel, as in orange, forest, moral, and warrant) is realized as Template:IPA, thus further merging with the already-merged Template:IPA (horsehoarse) set. In the U.S., four words (tomorrow, sorry, sorrow, borrow and, for some speakers, morrow) usually contain the sound Template:IPA instead, and merge with the Template:IPA set (thus, sorry and sari become homophones, both rhyming with starry).Template:Sfnp

Template:English -or- table Some mergers found in most varieties of both American and British English include:

  • Horse–hoarse merger: This merger makes the vowels Template:IPA and Template:IPA before Template:IPA homophones, with homophonous pairs like horse/hoarse, corps/core, for/four, morning/mourning, war/wore, etc. homophones. Many older varieties of American English still keep these sets of words distinct, particularly in the extreme Northeast, the South (especially along the Gulf Coast), and the central Midlands,[50] but the merger is evidently spreading and younger Americans rarely show it.
  • Wine–whine merger: This produces pairs like wine/whine, wet/whet, Wales/whales, wear/where, etc. homophones, in most cases eliminating Template:IPA, also transcribed Template:IPA, the voiceless labiovelar fricative. However, scatterings of older speakers who do not merge these pairs still exist nationwide and perhaps most strongly in the South.[50]

Vocabulary[]

Main article: American English vocabulary

The process of coining new lexical items started as soon as English-speaking British-American colonists began borrowing names for unfamiliar flora, fauna, and topography from the Native American languages.[51] Examples of such names are opossum, raccoon, squash, moose (from Algonquian),[51] wigwam, and moccasin. The languages of the other colonizing nations also added to the American vocabulary; for instance, cookie, from Dutch; kindergarten from German,[52] levee from French; and rodeo from Spanish.[53][54][55][56] Landscape features are often loanwords from French or Spanish, and the word corn, used in England to refer to wheat (or any cereal), came to denote the maize plant, the most important crop in the U.S.

Most Mexican Spanish contributions came after the War of 1812, with the opening of the West, like ranch (now a common house style). Due to the Mexican culinary influence, many Spanish words are incorporated in general use when talking about certain popular dishes: cilantro (instead of coriander), queso, tacos, quesadillas, enchiladas, tostadas, fajitas, burritos, and guacamole. These words don't really have an English equivalent and are found in popular restaurants. New forms of dwelling created new terms (lot, waterfront) and types of homes like log cabin, adobe in the 18th century; apartment, shanty in the 19th century; project, condominium, townhouse, mobile home in the 20th century; and parts thereof (driveway, breezeway, backyard).Template:Citation needed Industry and material innovations from the 19th century onwards provide distinctive new words, phrases, and idioms through railroading (see further at rail terminology) and transportation terminology, ranging from types of roads (dirt roads, freeways) to infrastructure (parking lot, overpass, rest area), to automotive terminology often now standard in English internationally.[57] Already existing English words—such as store, shop, lumber—underwent shifts in meaning; others remained in the U.S. while changing in Britain. Science, urbanization, and democracy have been important factors in bringing about changes in the written and spoken language of the United States.[58] From the world of business and finance came new terms (merger, downsize, bottom line), from sports and gambling terminology came, specific jargon aside, common everyday American idioms, including many idioms related to baseball. The names of some American inventions remained largely confined to North America (elevator, gasoline) as did certain automotive terms (truck, trunk).Template:Citation needed

New foreign loanwords came with 19th and early 20th century European immigration to the U.S.; notably, from Yiddish (chutzpah, schmooze) and German (hamburger, wiener).[59][60] A large number of English colloquialisms from various periods are American in origin; some have lost their American flavor (from OK and cool to nerd and 24/7), while others have not (have a nice day, for sure);[61][62] many are now distinctly old-fashioned (swell, groovy). Some English words now in general use, such as hijacking, disc jockey, boost, bulldoze and jazz, originated as American slang.

American English has always shown a marked tendency to use words in different parts of speech and nouns are often used as verbs.[63] Examples of nouns that are now also verbs are interview, advocate, vacuum, lobby, pressure, rear-end, transition, feature, profile, hashtag, head, divorce, loan, estimate, X-ray, spearhead, skyrocket, showcase, bad-mouth, vacation, major, and many others. Compounds coined in the U.S. are for instance foothill, landslide (in all senses), backdrop, teenager, brainstorm, bandwagon, hitchhike, smalltime, and a huge number of others. Other compound words have been founded based on industrialization and the wave of the automobile: five-passenger car, four-door sedan, two-door sedan, and station-wagon (called an estate car in England).[64] Some are euphemistic (human resources, affirmative action, correctional facility). Many compound nouns have the verb-and-preposition combination: stopover, lineup, tryout, spin-off, shootout, holdup, hideout, comeback, makeover, and many more. Some prepositional and phrasal verbs are in fact of American origin (win out, hold up, back up/off/down/out, face up to and many others).[65]

Noun endings such as -ee (retiree), -ery (bakery), -ster (gangster) and -cian (beautician) are also particularly productive in the U.S.[63] Several verbs ending in -ize are of U.S. origin; for example, fetishize, prioritize, burglarize, accessorize, weatherize, etc.; and so are some back-formations (locate, fine-tune, curate, donate, emote, upholster and enthuse). Among syntactical constructions that arose are outside of, headed for, meet up with, back of, etc. Americanisms formed by alteration of some existing words include notably pesky, phony, rambunctious, buddy, sundae, skeeter, sashay and kitty-corner. Adjectives that arose in the U.S. are, for example, lengthy, bossy, cute and cutesy, punk (in all senses), sticky (of the weather), through (as in "finished"), and many colloquial forms such as peppy or wacky.

A number of words and meanings that originated in Middle English or Early Modern English and that have been in everyday use in the United States have since disappeared in most varieties of British English; some of these have cognates in Lowland Scots. Terms such as fall ("autumn"), faucet ("tap"), diaper ("nappy"; itself unused in the U.S.), candy ("sweets"), skillet, eyeglasses, and obligate are often regarded as Americanisms. Fall for example came to denote the season in 16th century England, a contraction of Middle English expressions like "fall of the leaf" and "fall of the year."[66] Gotten (past participle of get) is often considered to be largely an Americanism.[6][67] Other words and meanings were brought back to Britain from the U.S., especially in the second half of the 20th century; these include hire ("to employ"), I guess (famously criticized by H. W. Fowler), baggage, hit (a place), and the adverbs overly and presently ("currently"). Some of these, for example, monkey wrench and wastebasket, originated in 19th century Britain. The adjectives mad meaning "angry," smart meaning "intelligent," and sick meaning "ill" are also more frequent in American (and Irish) English than British English.[68][69][70]

Linguist Bert Vaux created a survey, completed in 2003, polling English speakers across the United States about their specific everyday word choices, hoping to identify regionalisms.[71] The study found that most Americans prefer the term sub for a long sandwich, soda (but pop in the Great Lakes region and generic coke in the South) for a sweet and bubbly soft drink,[72] you or you guys for the plural of you (but y'all in the South), sneakers for athletic shoes (but often tennis shoes outside the Northeast), and shopping cart for a cart used for carrying supermarket goods.

Differences between American and British English[]

Main article: Comparison of American and British English

Template:American and British English differences American English and British English (BrE) often differ at the levels of phonology, phonetics, vocabulary, and, to a much lesser extent, grammar and orthography. The first large American dictionary, An American Dictionary of the English Language, known as Webster's Dictionary, was written by Noah Webster in 1828, codifying several of these spellings.

Differences in grammar are relatively minor, and do not normally affect mutual intelligibility; these include: different use of some auxiliary verbs; formal (rather than notional) agreement with collective nouns; different preferences for the past forms of a few verbs (for example, AmE/BrE: learned/learnt, burned/burnt, snuck/sneaked, dove/dived) although the purportedly "British" forms can occasionally be seen in American English writing as well; different prepositions and adverbs in certain contexts (for example, AmE in school, BrE at school); and whether or not a definite article is used, in very few cases (AmE to the hospital, BrE to hospital; contrast, however, AmE actress Elizabeth Taylor, BrE the actress Elizabeth Taylor). Often, these differences are a matter of relative preferences rather than absolute rules; and most are not stable, since the two varieties are constantly influencing each other,[73] and American English is not a standardized set of dialects.

Differences in orthography are also minor. The main differences are that American English usually uses spellings such as flavor for British flavour, fiber for fibre, defense for defence, analyze for analyse, license for licence, catalog for catalogue and traveling for travelling. Noah Webster popularized such spellings in America, but he did not invent most of them. Rather, "he chose already existing options [...] on such grounds as simplicity, analogy or etymology."[74] Other differences are due to the francophile tastes of the 19th century Victorian era Britain (for example they preferred programme for program, manoeuvre for maneuver, cheque for check, etc.).[75] AmE almost always uses -ize in words like realize. BrE prefers -ise, but also uses -ize on occasion (see Oxford spelling).

There are a few differences in punctuation rules. British English is more tolerant of run-on sentences, called "comma splices" in American English, and American English requires that periods and commas be placed inside closing quotation marks even in cases in which British rules would place them outside. American English also favors the double quotation mark ("like this") over single ('as here').[76]

Vocabulary differences vary by regions. For example, autumn is used more commonly in the United Kingdom, whereas fall is more common in American English. Some other differences include: aerial (United Kingdom) vs. antenna, biscuit (United Kingdom) vs. cookie/cracker, car park (United Kingdom) vs. parking lot, caravan (United Kingdom) vs. trailer, city centre (United Kingdom) vs. downtown, flat (United Kingdom) vs. apartment, fringe (United Kingdom) vs. bangs, and holiday (United Kingdom) vs. vacation.[77]

AmE sometimes favors words that are morphologically more complex, whereas BrE uses clipped forms, such as AmE transportation and BrE transport or where the British form is a back-formation, such as AmE burglarize and BrE burgle (from burglar). However, while individuals usually use one or the other, both forms will be widely understood and mostly used alongside each other within the two systems.

British English also differs from American English in that "schedule" can be pronounced with either Template:IPA or Template:IPA.[78]

Varieties[]

Template:Side box While written American English is largely standardized across the country and spoken American English dialects are highly mutually intelligible, there are still several recognizable regional and ethnic accents and lexical distinctions.

Regional accents[]

Main article: Regional vocabularies of American English

The regional sounds of present-day American English are reportedly engaged in a complex phenomenon of "both convergence and divergence": some accents are homogenizing and levelling, while others are diversifying and deviating further away from one another.[79]

Having been settled longer than the American West Coast, the East Coast has had more time to develop unique accents, and it currently comprises three or four linguistically significant regions, each of which possesses English varieties both different from each other as well as quite internally diverse: New England, the Mid-Atlantic States (including a New York accent as well as a unique Philadelphia–Baltimore accent), and the South. As of the twentieth century, the middle and eastern Great Lakes area, Chicago being the largest city with these speakers, also ushered in certain unique features, including the fronting of the Template:Sc2 Template:IPA vowel in the mouth toward Template:IPA and tensing of the Template:Sc2 Template:IPA vowel wholesale to Template:IPA. These sound changes have triggered a series of other vowel shifts in the same region, known by linguists as the "Inland North".[80] The Inland North shares with the Eastern New England dialect (including Boston accents) a backer tongue positioning of the Template:Sc2 Template:IPA vowel (to Template:IPA) and the Template:Sc2 Template:IPA vowel (to Template:IPA) in comparison to the rest of the country.[81] Ranging from northern New England across the Great Lakes to Minnesota, another Northern regional marker is the variable fronting of Template:IPA before Template:IPA,[82] for example appearing four times in the stereotypical Boston shibboleth Park the car in Harvard Yard.[83]

File:Non-RhoticityUSA.png

The red dots show every U.S. metropolitan area where over 50% non-rhotic speech has been documented among some of that area's local white speakers in the twenty-first century. Non-rhotic speech may be heard from black speakers throughout the whole country.[84]

Several other phenomena serve to distinguish regional U.S. accents. Boston, Pittsburgh, Upper Midwestern, and Western U.S. accents have fully completed a merger of the Template:Sc2 vowel with the Template:Sc2 vowel (Template:IPA and Template:IPA, respectively):[85] a cot–caught merger, which is rapidly spreading throughout the whole country. However, the South, Inland North, and a Northeastern coastal corridor passing through Rhode Island, New York City, Philadelphia, and Baltimore typically preserve an older cot–caught distinction.[80] For that Northeastern corridor, the realization of the Template:Sc2 vowel is particularly marked, as depicted in humorous spellings, like in tawk and cawfee (talk and coffee), which intend to represent it being tense and diphthongal: Template:IPA.[86] A [[æ tensing|split of Template:Sc2]] into two separate phonemes, using different a pronunciations for example in gap Template:IPA versus gas Template:IPA, further defines New York City as well as Philadelphia–Baltimore accents.[87]

Most Americans preserve all historical Template:IPA sounds, using what is known as a rhotic accent. The only traditionally r-dropping (or non-rhotic) regional U.S. accents are spoken in eastern New England, New York City variably, and some of the former plantation South primarily among older speakers (and consequently African-American Vernacular English variably across the country), though the vowel-consonant cluster found in "bird," "work," "hurt," "learn," etc. usually retains its r pronunciation, even in these non-rhotic American accents. Non-rhoticity among such speakers is presumed to have arisen from their upper classes' close historical contact with England, imitating London's r-dropping, a feature that has continued to gain prestige throughout England from the late 18th century onwards,[88] but which has conversely lost prestige in the U.S. since at least the early 20th century.[89] Non-rhoticity makes a word like car sound like cah or source like sauce.[90]

The most prominent and stigmatized regional accents of the country are New York City and Southern accents.[91] Southern speech, strongest in southern Appalachia and certain areas of Texas, is commonly identified among Americans as a "country" accent,[91] and is defined by the Template:IPA vowel losing its gliding quality: Template:IPA, the initiation event for a complicated Southern vowel shift, including a "Southern drawl" that makes short front vowels into distinct-sounding gliding vowels.[92] The fronting of the vowels of Template:Sc2, Template:Sc2, Template:Sc2, and Template:Sc2 tends to also define Southern accents as well as the accents spoken in the "Midland": a vast band of the country that constitutes an intermediate dialect region between the traditional North and South. Western U.S. accents mostly fall under the General American spectrum.

Below, ten major American English accents are defined by their particular combinations of certain vowel sounds:

Accent name Most populous urban center Strong Template:IPA fronting Strong Template:IPA fronting Strong Template:IPA fronting Strong Template:IPA fronting Cot–caught merger Pin–pen merger /æ/ raising system
General American Template:No Template:No Template:No Template:No Template:Partial Template:No pre-nasal
Inland Northern Chicago Template:No Template:No Template:No Template:Yes Template:No Template:No general
Mid-Atlantic States Philadelphia Template:Yes Template:Yes Template:Yes Template:No Template:No Template:No split
Midland Indianapolis Template:Yes Template:Yes Template:Yes Template:No Template:Partial Template:Partial pre-nasal
New York City New York City Template:Yes Template:No Template:No[93] Template:No Template:No Template:No split
North-Central (Upper Midwestern) Minneapolis Template:No Template:No Template:No Template:Yes Template:Yes Template:No pre-nasal & pre-velar
[[New England English|Template:Nowrap]] Boston Template:No Template:No Template:No Template:Yes Template:Yes Template:No pre-nasal
Southern San Antonio Template:Yes Template:Yes Template:Yes Template:No Template:Partial Template:Yes Southern
Western Los Angeles Template:No Template:No Template:Yes Template:No Template:Yes Template:No pre-nasal
Western Pennsylvania Pittsburgh Template:Yes Template:Yes Template:Yes Template:No Template:Yes Template:Partial pre-nasal

General American[]

In 2010, William Labov noted that Great Lakes, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, and West Coast accents have undergone "vigorous new sound changes" since the mid-nineteenth century onwards, so they "are now more different from each other than they were 50 or 100 years ago", while other accents, like of New York City and Boston, have remained stable in that same time-frame.[79] However, a General American sound system also has some debated degree of influence nationwide, for example, gradually beginning to oust the regional accent in urban areas of the South and at least some in the Inland North. Rather than one particular accent, General American is best defined as an umbrella covering any American accent that does not incorporate features associated with some particular region, ethnicity, or socioeconomic group. Typical General American features include rhoticity, the father–bother merger, Mary–marry–merry merger, pre-nasal "short a" tensing, and other particular vowel sounds.[note 2] General American features are embraced most by Americans who are highly educated or in the most formal contexts, and regional accents with the most General American native features include North Midland, Western New England, and Western accents.

Other varieties[]

Although no longer region-specific,[94] African-American Vernacular English, which remains the native variety of most working- and middle-class African Americans, has a close relationship to Southern dialects and has greatly influenced everyday speech of many Americans, including hip hop culture. Hispanic and Latino Americans have also developed native-speaker varieties of English. The best-studied Latino Englishes are Chicano English, spoken in the West and Midwest, and New York Latino English, spoken in the New York metropolitan area. Additionally, ethnic varieties such as Yeshiva English and "Yinglish" are spoken by some American Orthodox Jews, Cajun Vernacular English by some Cajuns in southern Louisiana, and Pennsylvania Dutch English by some Pennsylvania Dutch in Pennsylvania and the Midwest. American Indian Englishes have been documented among diverse Indian tribes. The island state of Hawaii, though primarily English-speaking, is also home to a creole language known commonly as Hawaiian Pidgin, and some Hawaii residents speak English with a Pidgin-influenced accent.

See also[]

Template:Portal

  • Dictionary of American Regional English
  • List of English words from indigenous languages of the Americas
  • International Phonetic Alphabet chart for English dialects
  • International Phonetic Alphabet chart for the English Language
  • Phonological history of English
  • Regional accents of English
  • Canadian English
  • North American English
  • International English
  • Received Pronunciation
  • Transatlantic accent
  • American and British English spelling differences

Notes[]

  1. Plichta, Bartlomiej, and Dennis R. Preston (2005). "The /ay/s Have It: The Perception of /ay/ as a North-South Stereotype in the United States English." Acta Linguistica Hafniensia 37.1: 107–130.
  2. Zentella, A. C. (1982). Spanish and English in contact in the United States: The Puerto Rican experience. Word, 33(1–2), 41.
  3. Template:Cite book
  4. Template:Cite book
  5. Template:Cite news
  6. 6.0 6.1 6.2 Template:Cite web
  7. Template:Cite web
  8. Template:Cite web
  9. Template:Cite web
  10. Template:Cite web
  11. Template:Cite web
  12. Template:Harvcoltxt
  13. Template:Harvcoltxt
  14. Template:Harvcoltxt
  15. Hickey, R. (2014). Dictionary of varieties of English. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 25.
  16. Template:Citation
  17. Template:Harvcoltxt
  18. Template:Citation
  19. Template:Cite web
  20. North American English Template:Harv is a collective term used for the varieties of the English language that are spoken in both the United States and Canada.
  21. Template:Cite web
  22. 22.0 22.1 Template:Cite book
  23. Template:Harvcoltxt
  24. Template:Harvcoltxt
  25. Wolchover, Natalie (2012). "Why Do Americans and Brits Have Different Accents?" LiveScience. Purch.
  26. Template:Cite journal
  27. Wolfram, Walt; Schilling, Natalie (2015). American English: Dialects and Variation. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 103–104.
  28. Template:Harvcoltxt citing Template:Harvcoltxt, Template:Harvcoltxt, and Template:Harvcoltxt
  29. A Handbook of Varieties of English, Bernd Kortmann & Edgar W. Schneider, Walter de Gruyter, 2004, p. 317.
  30. Template:Harvcoltxt
  31. Template:Harvcoltxt
  32. Template:Harvcoltxt
  33. Vaux, Bert; Golder, Scott (2003). "Do you pronounce 'cot' and 'çaught' the same?" The Harvard Dialect Survey. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.
  34. Vaux, Bert; Jøhndal, Marius L. (2009). "Do you pronounce "cot" and "caught" the same?" Cambridge Online Survey of World Englishes. Cambridge: Cambridge University.
  35. According to Merriam-Webster Collegiate Dictionary, Eleventh Edition.
  36. Template:Cite web
  37. Template:Cite web
  38. Template:Cite web
  39. Vaux, Bert and Scott Golder (2003). "How do you pronounce Mary / merry / marry?" The Harvard Dialect Survey. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.
  40. Vaux, Bert and Scott Golder (2003). "flourish Template:Webarchive". The Harvard Dialect Survey. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.
  41. Vaux, Bert and Scott Golder (2003). "the first vowel in "miracle"". The Harvard Dialect Survey. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.
  42. Template:Harvcoltxt
  43. Vaux, Bert (2000_. "Flapping in English." Linguistic Society of America, Chicago, IL. p .6.
  44. Template:Cite book
  45. Template:Cite book
  46. Template:Harvcoltxt
  47. A Handbook of Varieties of English, Bernd Kortmann & Edgar W. Schneider, Walter de Gruyter, 2004, p. 319.
  48. Template:Harvcoltxt: "where Canadian raising has traditionally been reported: Canada, Eastern New England, Philadelphia, and the North"
  49. Template:Cite web
  50. 50.0 50.1 Template:Harvcoltxt
  51. 51.0 51.1 Template:Cite book
  52. Template:Cite web
  53. Template:Cite journal
  54. Template:Cite book
  55. Template:Cite book
  56. Template:Cite book
  57. A few of these are now chiefly found, or have been more productive, outside the U.S.; for example, jump, "to drive past a traffic signal"; block meaning "building", and center, "central point in a town" or "main area for a particular activity" (cf. Oxford English Dictionary).
  58. Template:Cite web
  59. Template:Cite web
  60. Template:Harvcoltxt
  61. Template:Cite web
  62. Template:Cite web
  63. 63.0 63.1 Template:Harvcoltxt
  64. Template:Cite web
  65. British author George Orwell (in English People, 1947, cited in OED s.v. lose) criticized an alleged "American tendency" to "burden every verb with a preposition that adds nothing to its meaning (win out, lose out, face up to, etc.)".
  66. Template:OEtymD
  67. A Handbook of Varieties of English, Bernd Kortmann & Edgar W. Schneider, Walter de Gruyter, 2004, p. 115.
  68. Template:Cite web
  69. Template:Cite web
  70. Template:Cite web
  71. Vaux, Bert and Scott Golder. 2003. The Harvard Dialect Survey Template:Webarchive. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.
  72. Katz, Joshua (2013). "Beyond 'Soda, Pop, or Coke.' North Carolina State University.
  73. Algeo, John (2006). British or American English?. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Template:ISBN.
  74. Algeo, John. "The Effects of the Revolution on Language," in A Companion to the American Revolution. John Wiley & Sons, 2008. p.599
  75. Peters, Pam (2004). The Cambridge Guide to English Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Template:ISBN, pp. 34 and 511.
  76. Template:Cite web
  77. Template:Cite web
  78. Template:Cite book
  79. 79.0 79.1 Template:Harvcoltxt
  80. 80.0 80.1 Template:Harvcoltxt
  81. Template:Harvcoltxt
  82. Template:Harvcoltxt
  83. Template:Cite book
  84. Labov, p. 48.
  85. Template:Harvcoltxt
  86. "This phonemic and phonetic arrangement of the low back vowels makes Rhode Island more similar to New York City than to the rest of New England".Template:Harvcoltxt
  87. Template:Harvcoltxt
  88. Template:Harvcoltxt
  89. Template:Harvcoltxt
  90. Template:Harvcoltxt
  91. 91.0 91.1 Hayes, 2013, p. 51.
  92. Template:Harvcoltxt
  93. Template:Harvcoltxt
  94. Cf. Template:Harvnb.

References[]

Bibliography[]

  • Template:Cite journal
  • Template:Cite book
  • Template:Cite journal
  • Template:Cite journal
  • Template:Cite book
  • Template:Cite book
  • Template:Cite journal
  • Template:Cite book
  • Template:Cite book
  • Template:Cite journal

Further reading[]

  • Bailey, Richard W. (2012). Speaking American: A History of English in the United States 20th–21st century usage in different cities
  • Template:Cite book
  • Garner, Bryan A. (2003). Garner's Modern American Usage. New York: Oxford University Press.
  • Template:Cite book
History of American English
  • Bailey, Richard W. (2004). "American English: Its origins and history". In E. Finegan & J. R. Rickford (Eds.), Language in the USA: Themes for the twenty-first century (pp. 3–17). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • Finegan, Edward. (2006). "English in North America". In R. Hogg & D. Denison (Eds.), A history of the English language (pp. 384–419). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

External links[]

Template:Wiktionary Template:NIE Poster Template:Wikiversity


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